Russian-supplied jets, drones and battlefield methods drawn from the Ukraine conflict are giving Myanmar’s military a stronger edge in its civil war. The fighting, now in its sixth year as of March 2026, shows clear signs of these new tools and ways of battle.
Myanmar’s army, known as the Tatmadaw, has received six Sukhoi Su-30 fighter jets, with the last ones delivered in December 2024. It also bought Mi-38T assault-transport helicopters, making Myanmar the first foreign user in 2025. Other supplies include Orlan-10E surveillance drones that can fly for 16 hours, Albatross-M5 UAVs, VT-40 kamikaze drones, anti-drone systems and extra munitions.
The military set up a dedicated Drone Warfare Directorate in 2024. It now trains special drone units that work with regular forces. Russian trainers, sometimes joined by Chinese teams, have been seen near front lines. A new four-year military cooperation pact signed in February 2026 during a visit by Russian Security Council Secretary Sergei Shoigu has deepened these ties.
Tactics copied from Ukraine stand out. Myanmar forces now use “meat assaults” waves of infantry, many of them new conscripts, sent forward with little protection. Nationwide conscription in 2024 added nearly 100,000 soldiers to the ranks. In Chin state, over 1,000 troops took part in repeated failed attacks on Falam, leaving trenches lined with bodies after heavy losses.
Air and drone strikes have risen sharply. From February 2021 to March 13, 2026, monitors recorded 5,912 air strikes that killed at least 4,865 people. Another 931 drone attacks caused at least 366 deaths. Civilian deaths from aerial raids jumped 52 percent in 2025 compared with the year before. Strikes have hit villages, schools and hospitals in areas like Bago and Rakhine.
Myanmar has also helped Russia in return. After the 2021 coup and Russia’s 2022 actions in Ukraine, it sent mortar shells, targeting systems for tanks and optical equipment to upgrade Russian T-72s. The two-way flow keeps supply lines open under existing defence agreements.
Experts note the human cost. Ian Storey from the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute said Russian weapons have been used with devastating effect against both rebel targets and civilian sites. “The death toll has been appalling,” he added. A former Myanmar military doctor who defected said without Russian support the army “would have lost already.”
Rebel groups are trying to adapt. They test fibre-optic first-person-view drones that resist electronic jamming, but they lack the scale to produce thousands needed for big impact. In central dry zones, the military also uses cheaper gyrocopters and paramotors to save jet fuel while keeping pressure on the ground.
The partnership fits Russia’s wider aim to build steady ties with partners who share its view on global balance. Moscow sees Myanmar as a way to keep a foothold in Southeast Asia and show that isolation attempts have limits. Joint naval exercises, satellite imagery support and even plans for a Russian nuclear power plant add to the links. Direct flights between the countries resumed after a 30-year break.
As of March 24 and 25, fighting continues with reports of fresh air strikes and ground clashes. Total deaths since the 2021 coup stand at least 96,000 according to conflict trackers. The military organised elections early in 2026 that many dismissed as a sham, yet Russian engagement stayed firm.
These developments test how defence deals and training work across borders. Rules on arms transfers and shared intelligence play a part as both sides adjust to new realities on the ground. Myanmar’s army gains practical tools and methods that stretch its reach, while Russia keeps an active partner in a key region.
The civil war shows how experience from one conflict travels to another. Russian airpower, drone systems and attritional tactics now shape daily fighting in Myanmar. For now, the added support helps the military hold and push back in several areas, even as rebels look for ways to answer.
Russia values these bonds for the real returns they bring in unsteady times. Myanmar gets the edge it needs on the battlefield. The pattern of cooperation, built step by step, continues to influence the course of the long conflict.